Brian Leung: The battle for Hong Kong’s democracy is going to be decades long
On July 1, 2019, Brian Leung and a group of Hong Kong protesters stormed the city’s Legislative Council building and went into the Legco chamber. While protesters were deciding about their next move, Leung took off his mask and recited the five demands that became the universal slogan of the anti-extradition bill protest. However, after his identity was disclosed, Leung left Hong Kong for the United States on July 2, 2019.
On Tuesday, Leung and a group of protesters who were charged by the Department of Justice for breaking into the Legco were informed that the government had added “riot” to their list of charges, increasing the possible jail time from three months to more than ten years. He shared the news on Twitter and lamented on the possible fate that he might have to be in political exile indefinitely.
DW: When did you receive the news that you have been charged with rioting?
Brian Leung: I received the news on June 9, one day before the court hearing for 15 defendants involved in the July 1st incident, in which protesters stormed the Hong Kong Legislative Council. We expected the Department of Justice would combine the 15 cases. However, we didn’t expect that the Department of Justice to increase the charges right before the hearing.
On June 9, I woke up in the middle of the night, and when I learned about the news, my heart sank. I know it was always a possibility that we would be charged with something more serious than entering the Legco chamber without permission, which carries a three-month sentence. We know that was too lenient of the government, but when I learned that it had become a rioting case, I was still shocked.
I felt really bad for all the defendants in the same case, because they only entered Legco and they didn’t do anything more than that. But I also know that the Hong Kong government is taking advantage of the pandemic and know very well that it is the first anniversary of the whole anti-extradition bill movement. They want to do everything to stop the protesters from reigniting the fire again.
I think the government is using this case to send a very strong signal that they will not tolerate any large-scale protest. I think the result is extremely devastating for me and I feel really sorry for all the co-defendants. I also feel the government is really pushing the boundary in terms of repressing the possibility of another new movement.
DW: How do you assess the changes that have happened in Hong Kong over the last year?
Brian Leung: The Hong Kong government is basically subsumed by the central government and it has no autonomy whatsoever. Even though two million people took to the streets to demand a serious political reform in Hong Kong, yet Carrie Lam is still in power. This reflects that she has become a total pawn of Beijing. They need her to remain in power to execute whatever order that comes from them. I think we should make no mistake about the fact that the Hong Kong government has no autonomy and is merely executing Beijing’ wills.
On top of that, Beijing has two important concepts when it comes to ruling Hong Kong. First, it’s their comprehensive jurisdiction over the city, as they have to control everything in Hong Kong. Apart from the protest, they have also begun to make Hong Kong’s bureaucracy part of China’s national bureaucratic system.
Hong Kong’s education bureau has been purged, the business sector in Hong Kong is being purged and banks are asked to pledge their allegiance to the national security law. This reflects Beijing’s will to control every sector of Hong Kong.
The other aspect is national security. Xi Jinping has the idea that Hong Kong should be part of China’s national security scheme. I think comprehensive control and political purging will be the main ways that Beijing is going to deal with Hong Kong over the next few years. This is the reality that we have to face.
On the other hand, I’m not hopeless about Hong Kong’s civil society. I think people will still come up with counter-strategies against the government. Given how much creativity and flexibility that Hong Kong people have shown through the movement, I think they are still actively trying to find ways to counter the state power and continue the movement. I think people are looking for a moment to collectively mobilize anyone. I expect there will be another political upheaval this summer, when Beijing decides to impose the national security law.
DW: Over the last year, more and more Hong Kong people are forced to leave the city as the space for exercising civil rights seems to be shrinking rapidly. How do you think Hong Kong people abroad can continue to play a role in the ongoing struggle against Beijing’s encroachment of Hong Kong’s rights and spaces?
Brian Leung: In the future, I think Hong Kong is going to look like Taiwan after the post-war era, from 1950s to 1980s. A lot of intellectuals and professionals have to flee to the US. They sought protection in the US but they have also built a lot of institutional foundation for Taiwanese freedom and international advocacy. There are lots of informal social networks built by Taiwanese in the US.
I think Hong Kong is entering the same age where many people have to choose to flee and become political refugees. Even if they are not charged, they are very concerned about Hong Kong’s future, and they would seek citizenship elsewhere.
On the bright side, I see a possibility for Hong Kong people to mobilize overseas Hong Kongers to become a tangible force. Over the past few years, local figures like Joshua Wong and Sunny Cheung have to take all the burdens of being domestic young political figures as well as international advocates for Hong Kong.
I think when the national security law comes into effect, I’m deeply worried about Joshua and Sunny, or people like them. They are very involved in the international advocacy for Hong Kong, but because of the national security law, they might be forced to engage less in international advocacy. I think that’s why overseas Hong Kong people have to step up their games and take over the relevant responsibilities.
I think in the future, there might be more political refugees from Hong Kong who are willing to step up and become more prominent voices.
DW: Based on your personal experience, how has life been for Hong Kongers who were forced to leave the city following your participation in the protests?
Brian Leung: I would not deny that the solitude and the feeling of being in exile takes a lot of emotional toll on myself, and I think about some Hong Kong teenagers who were forced into exile in Taiwan. It hurts me when I think about them, and they have to shoulder so much at such a young age. I think these feelings are extremely tormenting and it demands so much from a person as it requires to be mentally and intellectually resilient.
I want to encourage everyone who is in exile too to stay emotionally tough and intellectually sharp. They should keep thinking about what we can do. I’m still learning to cope with this life, and learning how to be a useful Hong Konger in exile.
The days when we can stay politically naive are gone and we have to learn the hard truth that the battle for Hong Kong’s democracy is going to be decades long. Since fleeing one’s own country and being in political exile is nothing new, I think that gives me some comfort and encouragement. I think Hong Kong people have to seek strength from this experience and learn from history.
DW: Would you still choose to do the same thing if you knew the price that you’ll have to pay is to be in exile?
Brian Leung: I would still do exactly the same thing, and I have no regret about the decision I’ve made. The way I look at it is that the movement was successful because a lot of people didn’t put consequences first. They think about the future of Hong Kong and what is right to them.
I think that has a tremendous strength in terms of igniting people’s deepest intuition about what’s right and what they should do. I think that reflects tremendous power and I’m glad I’ve become one of those people who make the choices that put a higher cause before my personal calculation.
I don’t regret my decisions even if there is a personal cost. I don’t look back and say I regret certain decisions. I look ahead and say “what can be done next? How can we maximize the sacrifices and how can we build a stronger community out of all those grief and trauma that we have gone through?”
To me, it’s really about building a better community, letting all the trauma, grief, and toughness help us grow. I think Hong Kong as a community will also grow from all those experiences. I think that’s the positive side of all the sacrifices that we’ve made, as we grow stronger, tougher and more resilient in the future.
This interview is published in Mandarin on DW’s Chinese website.
